Commonplacing

    How wretched it was to think that one’s own fate depended on what some farmer in Iowa felt—or more to the point, how he voted. Still, if Herbert Hoover could be got rid of, if FDR prevailed . . .

    – Deborah Cohen, Last Call at the Hotel Imperial, chap. 6.

    On November 5 we will find out just how strong we are. We will each choose on which side of the historical ledger to record our names. On the one hand, we can stand with those throughout our history who maintained that some people were better than others and had the right to rule; on the other, we can list our names on the side of those from our past who defended democracy and, by doing so, guarantee that American democracy reaches into the future.

    Heather Cox Richardson, Letters from an American, November 3, 2024.

    Looks like pieces of my old “Commonplacing” tumblelog were saved by the Wayback Machine too. I see quotes that meant something to me in 2009.

    In the name of civilization, rebellious villages would be burned to the ground.

    – Deborah Cohen, Last Call at the Hotel Imperial, chap. 3.

    Written in connection with one of her protagonist’s reporting on the Syrian Rebellion in 1926.

    We no longer live in a world where the very wealthy can do business with autocratic regimes, sometimes promoting the foreign policy goals of those regimes, while at the same time doing business with the American government, or with European governments, and enjoying the status and privileges of citizenship and legal protection in the free markets of the democratic world. It’s time to make them choose.

    Anne Applebaum, Autocracy, Inc. (Doubleday 2024), Epilogue, “Decouple, De-Risk, Rebuild”

    Autocracy is a political system, a way of structuring society, a means of organizing power. It is not a genetic trait. Particular cultures, languages, or religions do not necessarily produce it. No nation is condemned forever to autocracy, just as no nation is guaranteed democracy.

    Anne Applebaum, Autocracy, Inc. (Doubleday, 2024), chap. 1.

    . . . It was their relationship with media, with televisions, radios, books, blogs, which helped them to re-imagine themselves over and over.

    Peter Pomerantsev, This is Not Propaganda (2019), part 6

    In This is Not Propaganda (end of part 2), Peter Pomerantsev writes of his Russian family, based in Kyiv, becoming stateless in the late 1970s. The KGB had accused his father, Igor, of “circulating defamatory fabrications, regular listening to hostile broadcasts and contacts with foreigners.” They recommended he emigrate.

    In many ways Igor was lucky. He had the semblance of choice. The [KGB] major had made it clear that if he stayed, he would have the full seven years in prison and five exiled in the Soviet provinces to face. If he had been a Ukrainian-language poet, [Pomerantsev continues, Igor] would have been locked up immediately. Repression in Ukraine focused on exterminating any signs of independent Ukrainian culture outside the cultural crèche of state-sanctioned Soviet ‘Ukrainianness’. But Igor wrote in Russian, the language of the coloniser.

    He turns being artless into an art form; he is a Picasso of pettiness; a Shakespeare of shit. His faults are fractal: even his flaws have flaws, and so on ad infinitum. God knows there have always been stupid people in the world, and plenty of nasty people too. But rarely has stupidity been so nasty, or nastiness so stupid.

    Nate White in response to a query about “why…some British people don’t like Trump,” London Daily, August 11, 2024.

    The Kremlin switches messages at will to its advantage, climbing inside everything: European right-wing nationalists are seduced with an anti-EU message; the Far Left is co-opted with tales of fighting US hegemony; US religious conservatives are convinced by the Kremlin’s fight against homosexuality. And the result is an array of voices, working away at global audiences from different angles, producing a cumulative echo chamber of Kremlin support, all broadcast on RT.

    Peter Pomerantsev, Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible: The Surreal Heart of the New Russia (New York: PublicAffairs, 2014), act 3, last section.

    “We believe Russia is a great empire that other powers want to tear away parts from. We need to restore our power, occupy our lost lands, grab Crimea from the Ukrainians,” the football supporters say, then in the same breath: “We want a Russia for Russians, all these darkies from the Caucasus and Central Asia need to go home.”

    This has always been the paradox of the new Russian nationalism: on the one hand wanting to conquer all regions around, on the other wanting an ethnically pure great power. And all that comes out of this confusion is an ever-growing anger.

    Peter Pomerantsev, Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible: The Surreal Heart of the New Russia (New York: PublicAffairs, 2014), act 3, section: “The Call of the Void”.

    How do you build a history based on ceaseless self-slaughter and betrayal? Do you deny it? Forget it? But then you are left orphaned. So history is rewritten to suit the present.

    Peter Pomerantsev, Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible: The Surreal Heart of the New Russia (New York: PublicAffairs, 2014), act 2, section: “Another Russia”.

    So that’s Perplexity’s real innovation here: shattering the foundations of trust that built the internet.

    Elizabeth Lopatto, “Perplexity’s grand theft AI”, The Verge, June 27, 2024.

    Death, destruction, refugeehood, humanitarian crises – those are the things we’re used to accepting as part of the reality of war… But in Gaza I also saw the death of the human soul. The Gazans are zombies. Death of souls on that scale, psychological wreckage at that level, I’ve never seen anywhere. At a certain point, I went through Rafah, and the streets were filled with refugee tents, and people, and booths, and there were hardly any vehicles, because there’s no fuel, so transportation is via carts and donkeys, and people move between them slowly. It took us two hours to cover a distance that normally would take 10 minutes. And all this time I looked at the faces of the people who were passing by us and I was shocked because they just looked dead.

    Arwa Damon, quoted in “As a CNN War Reporter, Arwa Damon Thought She Had Seen Everything. Then She Went to Gaza” by Shany Littman, Haaretz, June 21, 2024.

     Articles behind paywalls can often be found cached on archive.today.

    The Republican Party’s divorce from the rule of law is complete.

    Aaron Blake, Washington Post

    Any general machine can be misused by any malign actor with ill intent. The pursuit of failsafe guardrails in AI will prove futile, for it is impossible to predict every bad use that anyone could make of a machine that can be asked to do anything. That is to say, it is impossible to build foolproof guardrails against us, for there are too many fools among us.

    Jeff Jarvis, “Demote the Doomsters”, Buzz Machine, May 21, 2024. via @[email protected]

    Death Wish for Their Soldiers

    I can’t shake these lines from Stasik’s “Lullaby for the Enemy” about Ukraine’s Donbas:

    You wanted this land
    Now mix with it
    You are my land now
    Sleep, sleep, sleep . . .

    I’m guessing that “earth” would be another translation option.

    Brute Force

    We Are the Problem

    We blame the virus for
    the disastrous condition
    of our schools
    the catastrophic state
    of our hospitals
    the ruinous structure
    of our workplaces
    the collapsing authority
    of our institutions
    so we need not acknowledge
    the virus is not cause
    but revealer
    of our society’s frailty.
    @PlaguePoems

    The Self

    I believe the self is, at least in part, a cleverly disguised deception that allows the social world in and allows us to be “overtaken” by the social world without our even noticing.

    – Matthew D. Lieberman, Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect
    (Crown Publishers, 2013).

    Leadership Failure

    . . . As senators and House members trapped inside the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday begged for immediate help during the siege, they struggled to get through to the president, who—safely ensconced in the West Wing—was too busy watching fiery television images of the crisis that was unfolding around them to act or even bother to hear their cries for help.

    “Six Hours of Paralysis" (Washington Post)”

    Statistics and Tears

    “In fact, the more who die, sometimes the less we care,” [Paul] Slovic said in an interview. In greater numbers, death becomes impersonal, and people feel increasingly hopeless that their actions can have any effect.

    “Statistics are human beings with tears dried off,” Slovic said. “And that’s dangerous because we need tears to motivate us.”

    William Wan and Brittany Shammas (Washington Post)

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